A fonner soldier who had served in Vietnam commented, "We've got to win little by little. That's what the Viet Cong do. They hit a little here, a little there, and that's how they Win." Many of the demonstrators expected that several of the group would be‘ killed in the next day's action. One youth from Baltimore said "pro— bably a lot of us will get shot. But for every one of us that goes down, there'll be five to take his place." Another radical commented that “if you back to your home, and you've had your arm shot off, or you're best friend has been killed — let's consider the possibilities — but if this happens and you still want to fight, that's going to impress the hell out of them." Other Weathermen felt that it was unlikely that many people would be seriously hurt. People referred to the concept of "white skin privilege," under which many vhite people hide to avoid true commitment to the revolu— tionary struggle. "In a strange sort of way," it was explained, "we can exploit that white skin privilege." "If a bunch of black brothers marched down the street and got shot, it wouldn't make much difference to people in this country. But if they shot a bunch of us, even if the people hated us, they wouldn't stand for it because we're white." About half way through the meeting, one of the students who had been shot in the Wednesday night fight entered the room, still wearing Cook County Hospital pajamas. He told the group, "The next time I come to Chicago, I'm going to take a couple of pigs with me." Several youths immediately respond— ed that such a position was "not correctfl "That's an individualistic, terroristic thing. We must think in terms of the group, in terms of furthering the revol— ution." Leaders explained that individual terrorism or action by small groups was not the proper strategy for Sat— urday. "We must remember that the pur— pose of this action is to build a red army. There is not much difference between black terrorism and brown terrorism and white terrorism. Blow— ing up a few things or shooting a few pigs from rooftops may do more damage, and we may get into that later, but not at this time." "The action tomorrow has to demon— strate that white people are willing to join the sturggle, willing to fight. To do that, we have to be on the streets, in the Loop." The direction of debate changed when a girl from Iowa told the group that although she could accept the Weatherman philosophy in principle, she could not get over the emotional hurdle of going into the street with the intention of killing a policeman. "Although I know he's a pig and I should hate him for it, I can‘t help but think of him as a person." The group agreed that this was a problem that many seemed to have. A girl from Michigan said, "We don't like to hit people, to hurt people. We don‘t like to get hurt either. But the pig, whether he's a person or not, is the only think that is holding the man up, and the pig must be smashed. The way to tear down the man is to off the pig." Another student added, "We must fight because it is correct. You hate the pigs so much you want to kill them. We may lose militarily, but by smashing pigs, we will win in the .eyes of the people of the world. We will win in the worldwide revolution— ary struggle." The girl from Michigan added, "offing a pig is more than just hate, it's love. Love for the revolution, love for the oppressed people." When asked if she thought the Viet Cong should fight, the girl from Iowa replied that she did. She added, however, that she believed that there "could be an alternative for people living in America in l969." A Vietnamese in the crowd rose and delivered a bitter attack. "That is exactly the hiding behind the white skin privilege that we have been talk— ing about," he said. "She can just sit there and say the Vietnamese shoul- fight but she doesn't have to. She is a nationalist chauvanist racist. The Viet Cong would kill her. She shouldn't even be here. We should kick her out." The girl was allowed to remain but it was decided that the group was wasting its time talking with a pacifi- and should return to the problems it would fact the next day, as the bulk of the group intended to fight. Several leaders said that they felt that there was a defeatist attitu- in the group. "You can't go into the streets tomorrow thinking that," said a New York leader. "You've got to go out there knowing you're going to win, knowing you're going to win even if yo die." JEFF JONES (J.J.), (center, with helmet) leader during Columbia revolt in 1968, and other members of SDS national office page twelve