By RICHARD ANTHONY Collegiate Press Service ‘ WASHINGTON — The Ger. [nan SDS (Solialistischer Deut- sheer Studentenbund) Is a lot like the American group with the same initials, but its mem- bers are more radical, more organized and less associated with a “love" kind of culture than their American counter- parts. That’s the way three German SDSers, on tour in this country after attending the University Christian Movement conference In Cleveland last month, de- cribed their organization here lhis week. The three are all students at the Free University or Berlin. They answered ques ’tions about 5135 and Germany 'during a discussion at the ln- stitute for Policy Studies, on Independent research institute in Washington. Lutz Von Werder, one of the Itudents, described the develop- ment of Germany’s SDS Irom a youth wing or the Social SCARLET AND ILACK DIFFERENT NAME - SAME BAG Democratic Party (one ol Ger- many's two major parties) into an independent organization of 2,500 West German students, According to Werder, a group IJI about 50 students decided to make a study of socialist and Marxist thought in 1961. After three years of study, they formed SDS. Thls period of study, says Werder, has meant that “SDS has a strong theo« retical position.” Even now the organization requires all mem~ hers to take part in seminars on political theory. Berlin is the main center 01 SDS, and it has been the scene of most of the student protests to date Unlike IE counterpart in the 1.7.5., the German stu- dent group has until recently been more concerned with what other countries are doing than with strictly national aliairs. Reinholdt Wolff, a brother of one oi the 5135 leaders, said that protests last year centered around the visits of Ioreign dig. nitaries to Berlin. When Vice THE GERMAN SDS President H u m p h r e y was scheduled to arrive last April, for example, a group of students decided to employ tactics like those oi the Dutch Proves. "They planned to throw pud- ding at the Vice President,” Woltl explained. “They were going to throw some smoke- bumbs, and then under cover of the smoke to throw the pudding." West Berlin unthon: ties got wind of the plan, how- ever, and arrested the students before they could carry it oil. A iew students, however, did throw some eggs and tomatoes at him. (In spite of the use of provo tactics and the tact that some Berlin students live in Kam- munes, which are similar to hippie communities hero, SDS and German students generally have no connection with hippie phenomena like drugs, “drop- ping out" and psychedelic dress.) The visit of the Shah of Iran early last June led to a clash between students and the police in which a policeman shot one student, and other police bru. tally beat several other pro- testers. The excesses of the police won considerable support {or the participating students irom uncommitted students at the Free University, and from Ber. liners generally. The case of one student arrested for throw- lng a stone at the police, Fritz Teuicl, became a cause oelebrc in the city. Teulel was eventually ao- quitted, Before being released tram jail, though, he managed to participate in the anti-war eiiorts on October zl by typing up leaflets in his cell and dis- tributing them to the prisoners. Wolff said some of Teufel’s leaflets carried the legend, “The prisoners of West Berlin affirm their solidarity with the Viet Cong." Germany's SDS is beginning to concentrate more on devel- opments within Germany than rim-y I0. I95. It has In the past, according to Wolii. Two present targets are the emergency laws, which the Bonn government is ate tempting to pass to deal with civil disorders, and the Free University. To attack the lat- ter, students have set up a Kritisches Universitat—critical university —- that is similar to free universities here, although probably more politically ori- ented than its American coun- tel-parts, In the long run, though, the three students made clear that their goal Is to bring about not only recognition ol East Ger‘ many, but also a socialist rea gime in West Germany They feel Germany faces a new emergence oi iascism, and they suggest that the fact that a co- alition government is now in power is a sign ol the dimin- ishing effectiveness of the Bonn government. "The grand coalition," Wolff explains, “is a slip toward the revolt oi the middle classes.“ ' ‘ ’ ' INTERNATIONAL DISPATGH ° ' ' ' NEWSFEATIIRES ° ' ' ' INTERNATIONAL DISPATGH ° ' ’ By DAVID SALTMAN JERUSALEM (CPS) — In all the analysis or the Middle East spawned by the Six Day ,War, everyone has ignored a most critical question: what is the relationship between “Arab Socialism” and the “Israeli Cooperative Movement?" Israel's economy is largely sociali . on per cent of its ln< Idustry and do per cent of its agriculture are run exclusively by 288 co-operatives called "kibbutzim," The kibbutzim are the most advanced socialist societies in the world. They use no money or physical rewards; everyone works according to his ability and is taken care of according to his needs. There is no private property. In short, one kibbutzim is the Marxist ideal. the high gargelo- rum nl social organization and above all a system that works III the Middle East. Now recall that the Six Day War—from the Arab side—was I socialist war. The Arabs (ought to counter alleged Israeli ag< gression, which they claim has grown steadily since 1955. Many kibbutzim have Arabs working on them—Arabs who live there with their Israeli comrades. During and alter the Six Day War. the Arabs deliberately bombed Kibbutz water towers and power plants. So tha Arab states are try- log to build socialism by con- demning Israel~which has the most complete socialist units in the World. Arab leaders are in the unenviable position or sup- porting Arah socialism while condemning Israeli socialism and bombing socialist com- munities with Arab members. Curiously the solution to this paradox also solves the prob- lem of a lasting peace in the Mideast. First, some back- ground. It is increasingly clear that the Six Day War was not really a war started by the Arabs and the Israelis, but rather by the United States and the Soviet Union. Robert Scheer discusses this in the November issue of Ramparts. He writes: “The Mideast contains be tween so and as per cent oi the world's pI‘DVBll oil resources, and at the moment accounts for a quarter of the world’s current production. . . All the Arab dreams Ior the eventual development or this region cena ter in one way or another on the utilization of this oil once it is ireed from Western ex- ploitation. For this reason, ‘Ar— ab unity- is the here noire or those Western powers that hava had their own way in oil exploi< tation. For if a real Arab nation should ever come into being, It would demand the return or Its birthright. This is the threat at Nassen‘sm. “. . . In the post~Suez period, the main Anglo-American con- corn with Nasser resulted from his leap into the oilrrich Arabian south where, through the ve- hicle oi the Yemen war, he has become a direct threat to the feudal regime of Saudi Arabia, and the oil-rich scheik- doms of that area. “. , ,neither the British nor the Americans have been wor- rylng about. . . moral and cultural issues (in the Yemen War), It is, rather, the presence or a Nasserite, antiacolonialist thrust in southern Arabia, Where much of the oil is found, that disturbs the West." It disturbs the kibbutzniks that it disturbs the West. They seem to be the only Israelis A NEW HOIY WAR who aren’t so happy about the recent war. Being quite liter- ate, and also socialist, they recognize Scheer’s thesis that oil interests, coupled with a “frantically spiraling arms race," caused the June war, not the Arab "madmen." Even though they’re Israelis, the kib- blltziliks realize that Nasser has been an enemy oi the West ever Since he Conceived his socialist programs to help the wretched “feliahin” in Egypt and since he dared to try to muscle in on the Western oil monoply in Saudi Arabia. The members of the kibbut- zim applaud Nasser's etiorts w relieve his internal agonies by trying to revolutionize Arab politics. But they just snoot at the “Palestine" smoke screen used by Arabs as well as ls- raelis to cover up the gut problem in this area: again, the influence of the U.S. and the U. .S.R. In short, they know where it's at. So there are three questions to answer before we can see the road to peace: —Can we get rid at for- eign iniluence in the Middle East? —Do the Arabs and Is- raelis want peace? —What could be the basis for a lasting peace? As to the tirst—loreign in- fluence—that is mostly up to the Soviet Union and the United States. . . and their citizens. Do the Arabs and Israelis want peace? There have been some hopeful signs lately. Je- rusalem Post special reporter Dan Bavly writes: “For the first time, the thought oi coming to terms with an Israel Government willing to discuss the establishment or a Palestinian Autonomy thas become) a possible alternative (IOI' the Arabs). . , . “The Palestine Arab at the and of 1967 is gradually read- justing himseli alter the shock of the Arab defeat In June. He is beginning to accept the fact that Israel will remain a m2< jor influence (in the Middle East). . . Though still tar irom enthusiastic, most Arabs on the West Bank agree that their best bet would be to try to negotiate peaceiully with the Israeli Government rather than prolong the IsraelivArab con< fiict." So at least Israel's power is being acknowledged, and at best the Arabs are willing to coexist peaceiully with the Jews. , Now the third question: what could the basis he {or a lash ing peace? Stephens writes: “President Nassers' most re- spected adviser on Ioreign at- Iairs envisages a settlement in two stages. In the first stage there could be a phased with- drawal of Israeli forces ac- companied by steps to clear the Suez Canal and measures to Insure Israeli security. “These would include demil— Itarized areas on both sides of the borders, occupied by UN forces The Arabs would rec. ognize Israel’s existence and her security within the pie-June frontiers. There frontiers would be quaranteed by the Great Powers so that the Arabs would be ‘punished’ if they tried to attack Israel. “In this first stage, the bor- ders would be , . . ‘secul‘ed.' In the second stage would come the negotiation of ‘rec- ognized' borders and with it the other broader aspects of the Palestine question, the set< tiement ot the refugee problem and the passage of ships flying the Israeli flag through the Suez Canal. “. . the Jordan Govemment is prepared to grant Israel ere traaterritorial control or the Wailing Wall and of the access to it—What would amount in etiect to ceding part of the Old City of Jerusalem to Israel. In addition, Jordan would accept international supervision OI the Holy Places.” Naturally, this Will be nego‘ tiated. Israel will not under any circumstances give up the Go- lan Heights, on the border with Syria, and Jerusalem may be internationalized. But there is surprising agreement between these Arab proposals and those finding wide acceptance in Is- rael. Many Israelis are quite. willing to return, with the ex- ception of the Golan Heights, the land captured in June. The point is, though, that, contrary to popular beliei. both sides want to negotiate. The important question—the one which knits together Arab and Israeli socialisms—is the question at the future. There are various conceptions kicking around a m o n g the Arabs, ranging from minimal relations to a Middle East Fed- eration with Israel as an au- tonomous Jewish member. But for some reason, no one has mentioned the strongest and most eitective plan: one which not only ejects the Great pow. ers but also capitalizes on the common aims of Israelis and Arabs. This is a socialist Mid- east federation. There is a clear basis, in the kibbulzim, for a joint Arab- Israeli experiment ill Mideast socialism. It will be the great- est irony oi all it Israelis help make the Arab revolution.